Agĩkũyũ

With the following posts I'm trying to trace our roots before the coming of the White man. What were our customs and traditions and our way of life? I have read Jomo Kenyattas book, facing Mt. Kenya, which presents a good analysis and explanation of the Agĩkũyũ society. I have also read about Louis Leakey's book. There are also books like Ngugi wa Thiong'os the River between which is a close sibling, in my opinion of Chinua Achebes Things fall apart. It captures that transitional period between pre and post colonial Africa. Our forefathers in whole heartedly embracing the western way of life made a mistake, by not looking for ways of preserving our history, culture and customs in todays world. They sent us all to school and the way our history was transmitted broke down. School in post colonial Kenya couldn't really cater to the needs of the preservation of Gĩkũyũ culture because of the multi-ethnic nature of modern day Kenya. All that is left now is the language and certain customs like male circumcision. I will try and collect together all the information available in this blog. Thus it will be a continuous body of work. Any corrections or suggestions or additions will be much appreciated to make this at least some credible source of information on the Gĩkũyũ society, as there is none on the web as far as I could see.

Agĩkũyũ - The Origins

The Origins:

Historical:

By this I mean, what the historians have traced as the origins of the Agĩkũyũ people. According to historians, the Gĩkũyũ ancestors immigrated from Meru and Tharaka via Mbeere and Ndia in the 17th Century (1601 - 1700). They regrouped in the area between the rivers North Mathioya and Gura and expanded westwards towards the Aberdares Range, southwards towards Kiambu and northwards towards Nyeri. By middle of the 19th century (1801 - 1900), they reached the foothills of the Aberdares. The expansion northwards was slowed by the presence of the Maasai in the area, and although trading and marriage relations were soon established between the two groups, it wasn't until the end of the 19th century that the Gĩkũyũ occupied areas north of rivers Rũirũ and North Chania. Finally, the southward expansion into Kiambu area occurred during the first half of the 19th century, and by 1880s Gĩkũyũ pioneers occupied the area between the Karura and Nairobi rivers, which brought them into intimate contact with Maasai living in Ngong area.

Religious:

Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi

God (Ngai or Mũgai (The Divider)) created Gĩkũyũ the father of the Tribe and took him on top of Kĩrĩ-Nyaga (Mt. Kenya) and showed him all the land that he had given him: West from Mount Kenya to the Aberdares, on to Ngong Hills and Kilimambogo, then north to Gabatula. He then pointed to him a spot full of fig trees (Mũgumũ) and he commanded him to descend and establish his homestead on the selected spot known as Mũkũrwe wa Gathanga (in present day Mũrang’a district) .When Gĩkũyũ descended to the spot he found a beautiful wife waiting for him, Mumbi. Together, Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi had 10 beautiful daughters— Wanjirũ, Wanjikũ, Wambũi, Wangũi aka Waithiegeni, Wangeci aka Waithĩra, Wanjeeri aka Waceera, Nyambura aka Wakĩũrũ, Wairimũ aka Gathiigia, Wangarĩ and Wamũyũ aka Warigia, which are also very popular names for Gikũyũ females today.

When the time came for the 9 eldest daughters to marry, the youngest Wamũyũ not yet being of age, Gĩkũyũ prayed to God under a holy fig tree, (Mũkũyũ, some say Mũgumũ), as was his tradition, to send him sons-in-law. He offered a lamb as sacrifice and as the fire was consuming the lamb’s body, nine men appeared and walked out of the flames.
Gĩkũyũ took them home and each daughter married the man who was the same height as she was, and together they gave rise to the nine of the ten clans to which all Gĩkũyũs belong. Wamũyũ, got a child out of wedlock. These clans are the Anjirũ, Agacikũ, Ambũi, Angũi aka Aithiegeni, Angechi aka Aithĩrandũ, Aacera, Ambura aka Aakĩũrũ aka Eethaga, Airimũ aka Agathiigia, Angarĩ aka Aithekahuno and Aicakamũyũ.

Note: Some authors only count nine daughters and nine clans leaving out the youngest daughter Wamũyũ aka Warigia and her lineage, the Aicakamũyũ. The Gĩkũyũ of old believed that it brought bad luck to count ones children. It was believed that a person who did so was tired of Gods blessings. As such the 10 clans are referred to by the Agĩkũyũ as full-nine (kenda-mũiyũru).

The legends say that the tribe was initially matrilineal but the women became tyrannical rulers and the men overthrew them by impregnating them at the same time. In those days the women were much stronger than the men.

From a purely mathematical point of view it is quite possible for the population to grow from the initial population of 20, Gĩkũyũ, Mũmbi, their 9 daughters and their daughters husbands to the present population of about 7 million in about the 450 years that the tribe is said to be in existence. The calculation is made under an assumed monogamy (the Gĩkũyũ were actually polygamous), the assumption that every couple produces 4 children. 2 daughters and 2 sons, and the assumption of a reproductive cycle of 25 years.

Gikuyu and Mumbi, Sources:

1. Leakey L.S.B. – The Southern Gikuyu Before 1903 Vol I – III (1977, unpublished 1938) , 9 Clans

2. Kenyatta, Jomo – Facing Mt. Kenya (1938), 9 Clans

3. Kabetũ, M. N. - Kĩrĩra Kĩa Ũgikũyũ (1947), 10 Clans

4. wa Wanjau, Gakaara - Mĩhĩrĩga ya Aagĩkũyũ (1967), 10 Clans

5. Mugo, E.N. – Kikuyu People (1982), 10 Clans

Links:

Clan Sources In Addition to the three afore mentioned Books:

1. Routledge, W.S. & K – With a Prehistoric People: The Akikuyu of British East Africa (1910), 13 Clans, most of which have been compressed together by Leakey

Agĩkũyũ - Religion

Religion:

The Gĩkũyũ religion is monotheistic. There is one God known as Ngai who is the provider and the divider of the universe (Mũgai). He is the creator of the first father and mother of the Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi and who gave them the best lands to settle on and from the Agĩkũyũ are descended. He is invisible. He was also referred as Mwene-Nyaga (possessor of brightness), which is associated with Kĩrĩ-Nyaga, the Gĩkũyũ name for _Mt. Kenya which means that which possesses brightness or mountain of brightness.

Mount Kenya (Kĩrĩ-Nyaga) is the resting place of God, whenever he comes to inspect the deeds of men. The sacred fig trees (mũkũyũ and mũgumũ, the latter more common) are the sacred centre where the people perform their rites. Ngai promised Gĩkũyũ that whenever he had need he should sacrifice facing Mt. Kenya (Kĩrĩ-Nyaga) and he would come to his aid and thus we pray facing Mt. Kenya. The Gĩkũyũ saying goes that Ngai ndagiagwo, meaning God does not concern himself with small matters. As such Ngai was approached in the old days in cases of national calamities and disasters like famine and praying for rain. He was also approached at the birth of an individual, at initiation, at marriage and at death. He is not worshipped approached by individuals but was only approached by at least a family group with the father as the head or by elders of the tribe under the sacred fig trees, mũkũyũ and mũgumũ.

Ngai while not visible to mortal eyes manifests himself in many ways. Through the sun, the moon, the stars, thunder, lightning, the rainbow and rain.

Gĩkũyũ religion had no priesthood and was closely interwoven with traditional customs of the people. At birth one automatically acquired the religion, which was taught by the parents. The Elders led the prayers and sacrifices to Mwene-Nyaga. Apart from them, the Gĩkũyũ had seers called Arathis to whom God communicated messages in their sleep to impart to the tribe. Such a person was C(h)ege or Mũgo wa Kĩibirũ who predicted the coming of the Europeans.

Most if not all early European writings about the tribe revolve about whether the savage, at a much lower evolutionary stage according to them, could conceive the concept of a deity. Most early literature concerning the tribe is written with such thoughts at the back of the authors mind. Worship was done in form of prayer and sacrifice.

Religious rituals are partly determined by natural rhythms, as with rites performed at seed time and harvest, and partly by recurrent needs. Gĩkũyũ society is highly conscious of the divine and spiritual hierarchy. Thus if a man falls sick, first ordinary treatment is tried, including traditional tribal medicine. Then it may be necessary to consult the ancestors, who even if not displeased, the sick person may not recover, in which case the elder of the family may institute a sacrifice to Ngai, supported by the invisible family members. From Facing Mt. Kenya by Jomo Kenyatta. The rain making ritual.

”When they finish feasting, the heap of the small pieces of meat and all the bones are collected together and put on the fire, together with some leaves and twigs of sweet-scented wood. While these are burning and the smoke is going up towards of sky, the elders rise and begin to chant a prayer round the fire. They stand up with their hands aloft and their heads lifted towards Kĩrĩ-Nyaga (Mt. Kenya) in the north. In a few minutes they turn right towards Kĩa-Nyaga (another sacred mountain) in the east, and then towards Kĩa-Mbirũrũ in the south Kĩa-Nyandarwa in the West, finishing towards the north where they started. They do this seven times and then on the eighth the procession formed homeward. On leaving they take with them a small quantity of the contents of the lambs stomach to be used in a planting ceremony. This completes the procedure in the ceremony for the sacrifice of the rain.”

Ngai is worshiped in communion with the ancestors. The Gĩkũyũ believe that dead relatives live on in the spirit world and continue to be part of the family and are treated as such. In fact they visit their homesteads from time to time to hold communion with the living. Land thereby plays a very central role the Agĩkũyũ life as the indefinable link between the living, the dead and the unborn. Land is also considered the mother of the tribe. In offering sacrifices the ancestors are also present. It was customary to pour a little of whatever one was drinking to the ground for the ancestors also to partake, a custom strangely similar to the black American one of pouring a little liquor to a dead friend or relative as exemplified by black American rap stars and singers in several videos. The ancestral spirits can be either benevolent or malevolent and so might require appeasement from time to time.

Agĩkũyũ - Social Organisation

Social organization:

The family was the smallest economic, political and religious unit of the tribe. A family consisted of a man who was the head of his household, his wife or wives and their children. A family group would then include the grandchildren and the great grandchildren. This unit is referred to as Mbarĩ.

Several Mbarĩ join to form the clan (Mũhĩrĩga). The clan is believed to have descended from the same family group in the remote past. All clans unite to form the Agĩkũyũ nation. The 2^nd factor unifying the Agĩkũyũ is the age-grading system (riika). This system unites the tribe in all of its activities, where as different clans act independently. In the past the riika is determined by circumcision of the boys and girls. A riika had very strong links of brotherhood and sisterhood that lasted throughout the lives of the individuals. The Riika served to bond members irrespective of Kinship.

Social interaction was highly governed by the system of ‘give and take’. For example in building a hut, a family would call upon on the assistance of their friends and this would naturally abide knowing that they too would also need some collective assistance at some point. A lot of things were done communally.

The most significant in the life of an individual, male or female were initiation and marriage.

Initiation:

was done for both male and females was done and it gave the individual the status of a full responsible members of the tribe. Initiation involved the circumcision of both male and females. In male the fore skin was removed and in female clitoridectomy was performed. The operation described by Kenyatta involved an excision of the clitoris described as a minor operation which was over in a matter of minutes. The female circumcision controversy of 1929 involving the Mission church of Scotland and the Agĩkũyũ seems to have been as a result of some parts of the community practising, what is referred to as a major operation involving the removal of the clitoris plus labia minora and majora.

The initiation was a communal event and an elaborate process, involving a preparation period, the surgical operation and a healing period. Everything was accompanied by song and dance and initiates had knowledge about the tribe as well as gained their first sexual experiences in an act known as ngwĩko which involved fondling without actual penetration, which was prevented by a girls lower garment .As can be imagined, the bond created among initiates both male and female was indestructible. Special names were given to each initiation set, mostly drawn from events or phenomenon appearing at the time of the ceremony. Most of the names that have been covered were given to males, I don’t know if the girls got names too. So Gatego was the name of the group initiated when syphilis first appeared in Gĩkũyũ country, Wainaina (kuinaina means to shake) describes those who shivered during the circumcision. Incidentally some of this set names are common names given to males. It would be interesting to see where the connection lies. On top of that the names are great markers of time in Gĩkũyũ history as the initiation took place at a regular intervals.

Initiation opened a number of doors. Only an initiated man or woman could marry. It also began a mans journey as a political, religious and judicial member of the tribe. Details involving women are very sketchy at best. It is certainly that only now are works regarding the tribe are being done by Gĩkũyũ women. Much information that could have been gained has been taken to the grave by our female ancestors, owing to the fact that no Gĩkũyũ women were there to record their thoughts and general outlook in life. Early accounts when a lot of knowledge was there for the taking, before pollution by Christianity which took hold relatively fast among the Gikuyu, were written by men and no matter how good , nothing can compare the information narrated directly by a female member of the tribe.

Sadly these practices are no more, and although certainly not advocating for female circumcision, the process surrounding the ceremony is certainly a great loss to the tribe. The male circumcision has also been reduced to the surgical operation in a clinic without the surrounding pomp, ceremony, music, dances and imparting of knowledge in Gĩkũyũ tribal life and history.

Marriage:

Marriage was another thing that opened doors especially for the man. A man could not normally join the council of elders unless he was married. The achievement of certain eldership status was tied to a mans children having gone through initiation. Marriage was not just the joining of a man and a woman in holy matrimony but also the joining of two family units (mbarĩ) and probably two clans (mĩhĩrĩga).. I’m still unclear whether it was possible to marry within a clan as by Gĩkũyũ legends members of the same clan would be descended from the same person and as such were relatives if a bit distant. The whole process of marriage was also very elaborate and the ceremonies must have been fantastic. Marriage itself was an expensive affair for a family, with the rũracio consisting of up to forty sheep and sometimes heads of cattle. As such, even though the society was polygamous, it is doubtful that the average mwananchi had more than 2 wives.

It’s important to note that the marrying of many wives was not just a desire of a man but his own wife or wives would agitate him to take up more wives. On top of being a symbol of prosperity and who does not want to be seen as prosperous even if it involves sharing a man, this was probably as a result of Gĩkũyũ division of labour among the sexes in which the women did an unusual amount of carrying, the most taxing probably being water and firewood. Water is particularly hard to carry owing to the Gĩkũyũ landscape where the people’s homesteads are at the top of a ridge and the rivers where water is fetched at the bottom. Going up a hill carrying a pot of water is no picnic. The other tasks the woman had to perform are not taxing but annoying in that they must be done every day and on top of that two times a day like cooking. Planting which was done by both sexes, although according to early European accounts the women must have been doing an inordinate amount of this two are seasonal exercises, I would imagine.

The White man in all his wisdom solves these problems by either inventing some machine to do unwanted tasks or ironically enslaving folks, so that they can do things for him that he doesn’t really want to do like they did in colonialism and slavery in the USA.

Agĩkũyũ - Political Organisation

Political Organization:

The political organisation was closely interwoven with the family and the riika. A young man after initiation through circumcision automatically entered into the national council of junior warriors (njama ya anake a mumo). After 82 moons or 12 rain seasons after the circumcision ceremony the junior warrior was promoted to the council of senior warriors (njama ya ita). Together this two councils would be called upon to protect the tribe in case of external aggression. The council of senior warriors was in addition an important decision making organ. The two councils were served by men of 20 – 40 years.

Upon marriage a man was initiated into a council called kiama kĩa kamatimo. This was the first grade eldership and it denoted elders who were also warriors. At this stage the man plays the role of observers of senior elders. They are required to assist in proceedings by carrying out menial tasks like skinning animals, being messengers, carrying ceremonial articles or light fires among other tasks.

When a man had a son or a daughter old enough to be circumcised, he was elevated into another council called the council of peace (kiama kĩa mataathi). On entering this council the man was now a man of peace and no longer of the warrior class. He assumed the duty of peace maker in the community.

When a man had had practically all his children circumcised, and his wife (or wives) had passed child-bearing age he reached the last and most honoured status. A council known as kiama kĩa maturanguru (religious and sacrificial council). After paying an ewe which was slaughtered and offered in sacrifice to Ngai (God) the man was invested with powers to lead a sacrificial ceremony at the sacred tree (Mũgumũ mũtĩ wa Igongona). The elders of this grade assumed the role of ‘holy men’. They were high priests. All religious and ethical ceremonies were in their hands. In the Agĩkũyũ society the religious, governance and law functions were closely intertwined. With various councils being called upon to perform one of this functions. From the literature I’ve seen it is not quite clear whether women also had councils and what functions these councils served. The initiation ceremony seems to have been organized by a council comprised of both men and women.

Parallel to the said councils the family unit formed a council known as ndundu ya mũcie of which the father was the head. The father as the head of the household then represented the family in the next council called kiama kĩa itora (village council) comprising of all the family heads in the village. This was headed by the senior elder. A wider council called kiama kĩa rũgongo (district council) was formed comprising of all the elders from the district. This was presided over by a committee (kiama kĩa ndundu), composed of all the senior elders in the district. Among the senior elders, the most advanced in age was elected as the head and judge (mũthamaki or mũciiri) of the ndundu. The district councils then came together to form the national council. Among the judges, one was elected to head the meetings.

Agĩkũyũ - Land Tenure System

Land Tenure System:

The Agĩkũyũ had a very complex land tenure system. Due to the way the community was organized on the social and economic level, most of the land was held by family units (mbarĩ). However individual land ownership was also possible. This came about in the very old days by acquiring hunting and cultivation rights to a piece of land. This was done by pegging a piece of forest and clearing it. As time went on and the amount of forests diminished, land had to be purchased from the neighbouring community of the Ndorobo. Ndorobo were mainly hunters and bee keepers and traded with the Agĩkũyũ, by supplying honey and skins in exchange for grains.

Land thus purchased by an individual was owned by the individual as long as he was not married. On marriage, the land became joint property between him and his wife. The man would clear part of his land for the wife to cultivate. She thus acquired cultivations rights to the piece designated. The overall ownership was retained by the husband. The wife referred to this piece of land as ”my garden” (mũgũnda wakwa), while she referred to the rest of the land as “our land” (githaaka giito). If the husband took a second wife, the same procedure was repeated. No one, except perhaps the husband would encroach on the wives cultivated lands. If a wife needed more land to cultivate, this would be cleared for her. If each of the wives had 2 sons who married 2 wives each, the number of people with cultivation rights would increase to 15. Daughters did not inherit land on their fathers side but played a role where they were married. Daughters would however also use the land before marriage.

With time as the size of the family increased, the land would no longer be able to support all the people. The more prosperous members of the family would move out and purchase land elsewhere. Those with no money would become ahoi or athami, meaning they acquired cultivation and building rights on land belonging to another family unit (mbarĩ).

When the first purchaser died, the land would belong to all the sons of the man, who would all retain their cultivation and building rights on the land. The eldest son would play the role of titular or trustee (mũramati). The mũramati duties were to see that the land was used properly. In case people outside the family group (mbarĩ) wanted to gain cultivating or building rights, he would grant them after consultations with the family. Only in the case where a man had one son would the son inherit the land outright. If a man had many sons, he was no longer alone and would have had to consult them before selling the land. Only if he was a very bad man would he sell the land without consultations, in which case the elders who acted as witnesses to all land transactions would implore on him to think of the welfare of his family.

A mũthami was one given cultivation and building rights on a piece of land belonging to a man or a family group. The land was given on condition that the person would respect the rights of the land owning family and keep peace with them. Further, the mũthami was required to give a calabash or gourd of beer to the mũramati or his representative or the owner whenever he had the occasion to brew beer. He was further obliged to help in case of work of emergency such as building houses or cattle pens. In case of a breach of contract the mũthamis rights were terminated and he was required to vacate the land. The authority to evacuate was vested on the muramati. If the mũthami refused to do so, the matter would be referred to the council of elders who naturally ruled in favour of the mũramati. He was of course given sufficient notice to vacate the land and harvest his crop. There was no rent paid by the mũthami.

A mũhoi was one given only cultivation rights and no building rights. He was only obligated to give beer, when he’d brewed sugar cane beer from the land given to him. Like the mũthami, no rent was charged.

A mũramati if he mismanaged the land for instance and a quarrel arose between him and his juniors, the village council (kiama kĩa Itora) would be called and they would divide, if all reconcillation efforts failed, the land between all the male representatives of the family group. The old mũramati was thus now only responsible for his immediate family and could sell the land and move away and buy the land someplace else if he wished. His kin had the first option in such a case. The other family members could elect another mũramati and carry on as before.

In addition to farm land there was land which was free for anyone in a given district to use. This included, pasture where cattle grazed in common. Salt licks (moonyo), mineral springs (irori), in addition to public spaces called ihaaro reserved for meetings and dances. Public roads and paths (njĩra cia agendi), as well as sacred groves where national sacrifice was offered to Ngai.

When a land sale had taken place, a ceremony was conducted to mark out the boundaries. Only when the agreed sheep and goats had exchanged hands could such a ceremony take place. This was performed by the principle elders of the district. After the ceremony which included the slaughtering of a ram, trees and lilies were planted to mark the new boundary.

Agĩkũyũ - The Economy

The Economy:

The chief occupation of the Agĩkũyũ was farming and rearing of livestock. A family which included a man his wife or wives and their children formed an economic unit. Labour was divided from the homestead to the fields. In house building the work of cutting timber and putting up the framework was done by men, while women cut and carry the grass used for thatching the house. They also plastered the walls with clay or cow dung. Men built fences around the homestead or gardens and cattle pens. They were night watchmen to protect crops against wild animals. Women carry out the entire housework including cooking, cleaning and fetching fire wood and water.

In the field men cleared the bush and cut the big trees and broke the virgin soil with digging sticks or hoes. Women came behind them and prepared the ground for sowing of seeds. Planting was shared by both sexes. Men planted bananas, yams, sweet potato vines, sugar canes, tobacco, and also provided poles for propping up bananas and yams. Women planted maize, various kinds of beans, millet and sweet potato vines. Weeding was done collectively. Cutting drains or water furrows and pruning banana plants as well as making roads and bridges was the work of men. Harvesting was done primarily by women. Tending of cattle, sheep and goats, as well as slaughtering, distributing meat and preparing skin was entirely men’s duty. Dress-making, pottery and weaving baskets was exclusively a woman’s profession. Wood-carving, bee-keeping and hunting were men’s occupations. Women took responsibility for grinding corn and millet, for making gruel, and pounding grains in wooden mortars. They also pounded sugar-cane for making beer. The brewing of beer was done by women and men. Trading was done by both sexes. Women carried chiefly grains to the market, while men bring sheep, goats or cattle. Farming was mainly done through crop rotation.

Children begun their activities in production very early. When young they were left at home to mind small babies, or are taken to the fields and allowed to play in one corner of cultivated field. As soon as they could handle a digging stick, they were given small allotments to practice on. Parents helped in planting seeds and helped them distinguish crops from wild plants or weeds. As the child grew a larger field was allocated according to that child’s abilities. Work was done collectively and crops cultivated in the care of the mother who was the managing director of food supply in the homestead. A girl continued to cultivate the plot till marriage, where in case her new homestead was near she continued to cultivate it and take the food to her homestead. If she went far the fields were left to the mother. The boy took full control of his fields when he married.

The wife was in charge of the homes food supply. After the harvest she stored enough grain to feed the family till the next harvest. Excess crops were taken to the markets where it was traded through barter. A wife who managed the economic affairs very well was not only highly regarded in her home but also by the entire community.

Cattle were a sign of wealth, as few people could afford them. Cattle played an economic role especially their hide used for bedding, making sandals and straps for tying firewood and carrying other loads. Cattle were never killed for food save in famine. Bulls and oxen were slaughtered for feasts. Cattle played a part in marriage ceremony, where a cow was given as marriage insurance (rũracio). Sheep and goats were used as currency. The price of almost anything was determined in terms of sheep and goats. Sheep and goats were used for various religious sacrifices and purifications. They were the main supply of meat and skins used as articles of clothing. They were also given as marriage insurance (rũracio).

On top of internal trade the Agĩkũyũ also traded with neighbouring tribes, the Maasai and the Akamba. With the Maasai, trade involved, spears, swords, tobacco, gourds and red ochre. There were inter-tribal markets where goods were exchanged but sometimes a group of men would organize into a trading guild and take their goods into the heart of Maasai country. This kind of trade would be conducted in the homestead of a friend who acted as the guide and protector of his friends and their goods. As for the Kamba, there were no special items, as both tribes were agriculturalists, unlike the Maasai who are herders. Soft chains, snuff-boxes or carriers, bows and arrows, and herbal medicines were among the articles exchanged in trading or given as presents to friends.