Agĩkũyũ

With the following posts I'm trying to trace our roots before the coming of the White man. What were our customs and traditions and our way of life? I have read Jomo Kenyattas book, facing Mt. Kenya, which presents a good analysis and explanation of the Agĩkũyũ society. I have also read about Louis Leakey's book. There are also books like Ngugi wa Thiong'os the River between which is a close sibling, in my opinion of Chinua Achebes Things fall apart. It captures that transitional period between pre and post colonial Africa. Our forefathers in whole heartedly embracing the western way of life made a mistake, by not looking for ways of preserving our history, culture and customs in todays world. They sent us all to school and the way our history was transmitted broke down. School in post colonial Kenya couldn't really cater to the needs of the preservation of Gĩkũyũ culture because of the multi-ethnic nature of modern day Kenya. All that is left now is the language and certain customs like male circumcision. I will try and collect together all the information available in this blog. Thus it will be a continuous body of work. Any corrections or suggestions or additions will be much appreciated to make this at least some credible source of information on the Gĩkũyũ society, as there is none on the web as far as I could see.

Agĩkũyũ - The Origins

The Origins:

Historical:

By this I mean, what the historians have traced as the origins of the Agĩkũyũ people. According to historians, the Gĩkũyũ ancestors immigrated from Meru and Tharaka via Mbeere and Ndia in the 17th Century (1601 - 1700). They regrouped in the area between the rivers North Mathioya and Gura and expanded westwards towards the Aberdares Range, southwards towards Kiambu and northwards towards Nyeri. By middle of the 19th century (1801 - 1900), they reached the foothills of the Aberdares. The expansion northwards was slowed by the presence of the Maasai in the area, and although trading and marriage relations were soon established between the two groups, it wasn't until the end of the 19th century that the Gĩkũyũ occupied areas north of rivers Rũirũ and North Chania. Finally, the southward expansion into Kiambu area occurred during the first half of the 19th century, and by 1880s Gĩkũyũ pioneers occupied the area between the Karura and Nairobi rivers, which brought them into intimate contact with Maasai living in Ngong area.

Religious:

Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi

God (Ngai or Mũgai (The Divider)) created Gĩkũyũ the father of the Tribe and took him on top of Kĩrĩ-Nyaga (Mt. Kenya) and showed him all the land that he had given him: West from Mount Kenya to the Aberdares, on to Ngong Hills and Kilimambogo, then north to Gabatula. He then pointed to him a spot full of fig trees (Mũgumũ) and he commanded him to descend and establish his homestead on the selected spot known as Mũkũrwe wa Gathanga (in present day Mũrang’a district) .When Gĩkũyũ descended to the spot he found a beautiful wife waiting for him, Mumbi. Together, Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi had 10 beautiful daughters— Wanjirũ, Wanjikũ, Wambũi, Wangũi aka Waithiegeni, Wangeci aka Waithĩra, Wanjeeri aka Waceera, Nyambura aka Wakĩũrũ, Wairimũ aka Gathiigia, Wangarĩ and Wamũyũ aka Warigia, which are also very popular names for Gikũyũ females today.

When the time came for the 9 eldest daughters to marry, the youngest Wamũyũ not yet being of age, Gĩkũyũ prayed to God under a holy fig tree, (Mũkũyũ, some say Mũgumũ), as was his tradition, to send him sons-in-law. He offered a lamb as sacrifice and as the fire was consuming the lamb’s body, nine men appeared and walked out of the flames.
Gĩkũyũ took them home and each daughter married the man who was the same height as she was, and together they gave rise to the nine of the ten clans to which all Gĩkũyũs belong. Wamũyũ, got a child out of wedlock. These clans are the Anjirũ, Agacikũ, Ambũi, Angũi aka Aithiegeni, Angechi aka Aithĩrandũ, Aacera, Ambura aka Aakĩũrũ aka Eethaga, Airimũ aka Agathiigia, Angarĩ aka Aithekahuno and Aicakamũyũ.

Note: Some authors only count nine daughters and nine clans leaving out the youngest daughter Wamũyũ aka Warigia and her lineage, the Aicakamũyũ. The Gĩkũyũ of old believed that it brought bad luck to count ones children. It was believed that a person who did so was tired of Gods blessings. As such the 10 clans are referred to by the Agĩkũyũ as full-nine (kenda-mũiyũru).

The legends say that the tribe was initially matrilineal but the women became tyrannical rulers and the men overthrew them by impregnating them at the same time. In those days the women were much stronger than the men.

From a purely mathematical point of view it is quite possible for the population to grow from the initial population of 20, Gĩkũyũ, Mũmbi, their 9 daughters and their daughters husbands to the present population of about 7 million in about the 450 years that the tribe is said to be in existence. The calculation is made under an assumed monogamy (the Gĩkũyũ were actually polygamous), the assumption that every couple produces 4 children. 2 daughters and 2 sons, and the assumption of a reproductive cycle of 25 years.

Gikuyu and Mumbi, Sources:

1. Leakey L.S.B. – The Southern Gikuyu Before 1903 Vol I – III (1977, unpublished 1938) , 9 Clans

2. Kenyatta, Jomo – Facing Mt. Kenya (1938), 9 Clans

3. Kabetũ, M. N. - Kĩrĩra Kĩa Ũgikũyũ (1947), 10 Clans

4. wa Wanjau, Gakaara - Mĩhĩrĩga ya Aagĩkũyũ (1967), 10 Clans

5. Mugo, E.N. – Kikuyu People (1982), 10 Clans

Links:

Clan Sources In Addition to the three afore mentioned Books:

1. Routledge, W.S. & K – With a Prehistoric People: The Akikuyu of British East Africa (1910), 13 Clans, most of which have been compressed together by Leakey

Agĩkũyũ - Religion

Religion:

The Gĩkũyũ religion is monotheistic. There is one God known as Ngai who is the provider and the divider of the universe (Mũgai). He is the creator of the first father and mother of the Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi and who gave them the best lands to settle on and from the Agĩkũyũ are descended. He is invisible. He was also referred as Mwene-Nyaga (possessor of brightness), which is associated with Kĩrĩ-Nyaga, the Gĩkũyũ name for _Mt. Kenya which means that which possesses brightness or mountain of brightness.

Mount Kenya (Kĩrĩ-Nyaga) is the resting place of God, whenever he comes to inspect the deeds of men. The sacred fig trees (mũkũyũ and mũgumũ, the latter more common) are the sacred centre where the people perform their rites. Ngai promised Gĩkũyũ that whenever he had need he should sacrifice facing Mt. Kenya (Kĩrĩ-Nyaga) and he would come to his aid and thus we pray facing Mt. Kenya. The Gĩkũyũ saying goes that Ngai ndagiagwo, meaning God does not concern himself with small matters. As such Ngai was approached in the old days in cases of national calamities and disasters like famine and praying for rain. He was also approached at the birth of an individual, at initiation, at marriage and at death. He is not worshipped approached by individuals but was only approached by at least a family group with the father as the head or by elders of the tribe under the sacred fig trees, mũkũyũ and mũgumũ.

Ngai while not visible to mortal eyes manifests himself in many ways. Through the sun, the moon, the stars, thunder, lightning, the rainbow and rain.

Gĩkũyũ religion had no priesthood and was closely interwoven with traditional customs of the people. At birth one automatically acquired the religion, which was taught by the parents. The Elders led the prayers and sacrifices to Mwene-Nyaga. Apart from them, the Gĩkũyũ had seers called Arathis to whom God communicated messages in their sleep to impart to the tribe. Such a person was C(h)ege or Mũgo wa Kĩibirũ who predicted the coming of the Europeans.

Most if not all early European writings about the tribe revolve about whether the savage, at a much lower evolutionary stage according to them, could conceive the concept of a deity. Most early literature concerning the tribe is written with such thoughts at the back of the authors mind. Worship was done in form of prayer and sacrifice.

Religious rituals are partly determined by natural rhythms, as with rites performed at seed time and harvest, and partly by recurrent needs. Gĩkũyũ society is highly conscious of the divine and spiritual hierarchy. Thus if a man falls sick, first ordinary treatment is tried, including traditional tribal medicine. Then it may be necessary to consult the ancestors, who even if not displeased, the sick person may not recover, in which case the elder of the family may institute a sacrifice to Ngai, supported by the invisible family members. From Facing Mt. Kenya by Jomo Kenyatta. The rain making ritual.

”When they finish feasting, the heap of the small pieces of meat and all the bones are collected together and put on the fire, together with some leaves and twigs of sweet-scented wood. While these are burning and the smoke is going up towards of sky, the elders rise and begin to chant a prayer round the fire. They stand up with their hands aloft and their heads lifted towards Kĩrĩ-Nyaga (Mt. Kenya) in the north. In a few minutes they turn right towards Kĩa-Nyaga (another sacred mountain) in the east, and then towards Kĩa-Mbirũrũ in the south Kĩa-Nyandarwa in the West, finishing towards the north where they started. They do this seven times and then on the eighth the procession formed homeward. On leaving they take with them a small quantity of the contents of the lambs stomach to be used in a planting ceremony. This completes the procedure in the ceremony for the sacrifice of the rain.”

Ngai is worshiped in communion with the ancestors. The Gĩkũyũ believe that dead relatives live on in the spirit world and continue to be part of the family and are treated as such. In fact they visit their homesteads from time to time to hold communion with the living. Land thereby plays a very central role the Agĩkũyũ life as the indefinable link between the living, the dead and the unborn. Land is also considered the mother of the tribe. In offering sacrifices the ancestors are also present. It was customary to pour a little of whatever one was drinking to the ground for the ancestors also to partake, a custom strangely similar to the black American one of pouring a little liquor to a dead friend or relative as exemplified by black American rap stars and singers in several videos. The ancestral spirits can be either benevolent or malevolent and so might require appeasement from time to time.

Agĩkũyũ - Social Organisation

Social organization:

The family was the smallest economic, political and religious unit of the tribe. A family consisted of a man who was the head of his household, his wife or wives and their children. A family group would then include the grandchildren and the great grandchildren. This unit is referred to as Mbarĩ.

Several Mbarĩ join to form the clan (Mũhĩrĩga). The clan is believed to have descended from the same family group in the remote past. All clans unite to form the Agĩkũyũ nation. The 2^nd factor unifying the Agĩkũyũ is the age-grading system (riika). This system unites the tribe in all of its activities, where as different clans act independently. In the past the riika is determined by circumcision of the boys and girls. A riika had very strong links of brotherhood and sisterhood that lasted throughout the lives of the individuals. The Riika served to bond members irrespective of Kinship.

Social interaction was highly governed by the system of ‘give and take’. For example in building a hut, a family would call upon on the assistance of their friends and this would naturally abide knowing that they too would also need some collective assistance at some point. A lot of things were done communally.

The most significant in the life of an individual, male or female were initiation and marriage.

Initiation:

was done for both male and females was done and it gave the individual the status of a full responsible members of the tribe. Initiation involved the circumcision of both male and females. In male the fore skin was removed and in female clitoridectomy was performed. The operation described by Kenyatta involved an excision of the clitoris described as a minor operation which was over in a matter of minutes. The female circumcision controversy of 1929 involving the Mission church of Scotland and the Agĩkũyũ seems to have been as a result of some parts of the community practising, what is referred to as a major operation involving the removal of the clitoris plus labia minora and majora.

The initiation was a communal event and an elaborate process, involving a preparation period, the surgical operation and a healing period. Everything was accompanied by song and dance and initiates had knowledge about the tribe as well as gained their first sexual experiences in an act known as ngwĩko which involved fondling without actual penetration, which was prevented by a girls lower garment .As can be imagined, the bond created among initiates both male and female was indestructible. Special names were given to each initiation set, mostly drawn from events or phenomenon appearing at the time of the ceremony. Most of the names that have been covered were given to males, I don’t know if the girls got names too. So Gatego was the name of the group initiated when syphilis first appeared in Gĩkũyũ country, Wainaina (kuinaina means to shake) describes those who shivered during the circumcision. Incidentally some of this set names are common names given to males. It would be interesting to see where the connection lies. On top of that the names are great markers of time in Gĩkũyũ history as the initiation took place at a regular intervals.

Initiation opened a number of doors. Only an initiated man or woman could marry. It also began a mans journey as a political, religious and judicial member of the tribe. Details involving women are very sketchy at best. It is certainly that only now are works regarding the tribe are being done by Gĩkũyũ women. Much information that could have been gained has been taken to the grave by our female ancestors, owing to the fact that no Gĩkũyũ women were there to record their thoughts and general outlook in life. Early accounts when a lot of knowledge was there for the taking, before pollution by Christianity which took hold relatively fast among the Gikuyu, were written by men and no matter how good , nothing can compare the information narrated directly by a female member of the tribe.

Sadly these practices are no more, and although certainly not advocating for female circumcision, the process surrounding the ceremony is certainly a great loss to the tribe. The male circumcision has also been reduced to the surgical operation in a clinic without the surrounding pomp, ceremony, music, dances and imparting of knowledge in Gĩkũyũ tribal life and history.

Marriage:

Marriage was another thing that opened doors especially for the man. A man could not normally join the council of elders unless he was married. The achievement of certain eldership status was tied to a mans children having gone through initiation. Marriage was not just the joining of a man and a woman in holy matrimony but also the joining of two family units (mbarĩ) and probably two clans (mĩhĩrĩga).. I’m still unclear whether it was possible to marry within a clan as by Gĩkũyũ legends members of the same clan would be descended from the same person and as such were relatives if a bit distant. The whole process of marriage was also very elaborate and the ceremonies must have been fantastic. Marriage itself was an expensive affair for a family, with the rũracio consisting of up to forty sheep and sometimes heads of cattle. As such, even though the society was polygamous, it is doubtful that the average mwananchi had more than 2 wives.

It’s important to note that the marrying of many wives was not just a desire of a man but his own wife or wives would agitate him to take up more wives. On top of being a symbol of prosperity and who does not want to be seen as prosperous even if it involves sharing a man, this was probably as a result of Gĩkũyũ division of labour among the sexes in which the women did an unusual amount of carrying, the most taxing probably being water and firewood. Water is particularly hard to carry owing to the Gĩkũyũ landscape where the people’s homesteads are at the top of a ridge and the rivers where water is fetched at the bottom. Going up a hill carrying a pot of water is no picnic. The other tasks the woman had to perform are not taxing but annoying in that they must be done every day and on top of that two times a day like cooking. Planting which was done by both sexes, although according to early European accounts the women must have been doing an inordinate amount of this two are seasonal exercises, I would imagine.

The White man in all his wisdom solves these problems by either inventing some machine to do unwanted tasks or ironically enslaving folks, so that they can do things for him that he doesn’t really want to do like they did in colonialism and slavery in the USA.

Agĩkũyũ - Political Organisation

Political Organization:

The political organisation was closely interwoven with the family and the riika. A young man after initiation through circumcision automatically entered into the national council of junior warriors (njama ya anake a mumo). After 82 moons or 12 rain seasons after the circumcision ceremony the junior warrior was promoted to the council of senior warriors (njama ya ita). Together this two councils would be called upon to protect the tribe in case of external aggression. The council of senior warriors was in addition an important decision making organ. The two councils were served by men of 20 – 40 years.

Upon marriage a man was initiated into a council called kiama kĩa kamatimo. This was the first grade eldership and it denoted elders who were also warriors. At this stage the man plays the role of observers of senior elders. They are required to assist in proceedings by carrying out menial tasks like skinning animals, being messengers, carrying ceremonial articles or light fires among other tasks.

When a man had a son or a daughter old enough to be circumcised, he was elevated into another council called the council of peace (kiama kĩa mataathi). On entering this council the man was now a man of peace and no longer of the warrior class. He assumed the duty of peace maker in the community.

When a man had had practically all his children circumcised, and his wife (or wives) had passed child-bearing age he reached the last and most honoured status. A council known as kiama kĩa maturanguru (religious and sacrificial council). After paying an ewe which was slaughtered and offered in sacrifice to Ngai (God) the man was invested with powers to lead a sacrificial ceremony at the sacred tree (Mũgumũ mũtĩ wa Igongona). The elders of this grade assumed the role of ‘holy men’. They were high priests. All religious and ethical ceremonies were in their hands. In the Agĩkũyũ society the religious, governance and law functions were closely intertwined. With various councils being called upon to perform one of this functions. From the literature I’ve seen it is not quite clear whether women also had councils and what functions these councils served. The initiation ceremony seems to have been organized by a council comprised of both men and women.

Parallel to the said councils the family unit formed a council known as ndundu ya mũcie of which the father was the head. The father as the head of the household then represented the family in the next council called kiama kĩa itora (village council) comprising of all the family heads in the village. This was headed by the senior elder. A wider council called kiama kĩa rũgongo (district council) was formed comprising of all the elders from the district. This was presided over by a committee (kiama kĩa ndundu), composed of all the senior elders in the district. Among the senior elders, the most advanced in age was elected as the head and judge (mũthamaki or mũciiri) of the ndundu. The district councils then came together to form the national council. Among the judges, one was elected to head the meetings.

Agĩkũyũ - Land Tenure System

Land Tenure System:

The Agĩkũyũ had a very complex land tenure system. Due to the way the community was organized on the social and economic level, most of the land was held by family units (mbarĩ). However individual land ownership was also possible. This came about in the very old days by acquiring hunting and cultivation rights to a piece of land. This was done by pegging a piece of forest and clearing it. As time went on and the amount of forests diminished, land had to be purchased from the neighbouring community of the Ndorobo. Ndorobo were mainly hunters and bee keepers and traded with the Agĩkũyũ, by supplying honey and skins in exchange for grains.

Land thus purchased by an individual was owned by the individual as long as he was not married. On marriage, the land became joint property between him and his wife. The man would clear part of his land for the wife to cultivate. She thus acquired cultivations rights to the piece designated. The overall ownership was retained by the husband. The wife referred to this piece of land as ”my garden” (mũgũnda wakwa), while she referred to the rest of the land as “our land” (githaaka giito). If the husband took a second wife, the same procedure was repeated. No one, except perhaps the husband would encroach on the wives cultivated lands. If a wife needed more land to cultivate, this would be cleared for her. If each of the wives had 2 sons who married 2 wives each, the number of people with cultivation rights would increase to 15. Daughters did not inherit land on their fathers side but played a role where they were married. Daughters would however also use the land before marriage.

With time as the size of the family increased, the land would no longer be able to support all the people. The more prosperous members of the family would move out and purchase land elsewhere. Those with no money would become ahoi or athami, meaning they acquired cultivation and building rights on land belonging to another family unit (mbarĩ).

When the first purchaser died, the land would belong to all the sons of the man, who would all retain their cultivation and building rights on the land. The eldest son would play the role of titular or trustee (mũramati). The mũramati duties were to see that the land was used properly. In case people outside the family group (mbarĩ) wanted to gain cultivating or building rights, he would grant them after consultations with the family. Only in the case where a man had one son would the son inherit the land outright. If a man had many sons, he was no longer alone and would have had to consult them before selling the land. Only if he was a very bad man would he sell the land without consultations, in which case the elders who acted as witnesses to all land transactions would implore on him to think of the welfare of his family.

A mũthami was one given cultivation and building rights on a piece of land belonging to a man or a family group. The land was given on condition that the person would respect the rights of the land owning family and keep peace with them. Further, the mũthami was required to give a calabash or gourd of beer to the mũramati or his representative or the owner whenever he had the occasion to brew beer. He was further obliged to help in case of work of emergency such as building houses or cattle pens. In case of a breach of contract the mũthamis rights were terminated and he was required to vacate the land. The authority to evacuate was vested on the muramati. If the mũthami refused to do so, the matter would be referred to the council of elders who naturally ruled in favour of the mũramati. He was of course given sufficient notice to vacate the land and harvest his crop. There was no rent paid by the mũthami.

A mũhoi was one given only cultivation rights and no building rights. He was only obligated to give beer, when he’d brewed sugar cane beer from the land given to him. Like the mũthami, no rent was charged.

A mũramati if he mismanaged the land for instance and a quarrel arose between him and his juniors, the village council (kiama kĩa Itora) would be called and they would divide, if all reconcillation efforts failed, the land between all the male representatives of the family group. The old mũramati was thus now only responsible for his immediate family and could sell the land and move away and buy the land someplace else if he wished. His kin had the first option in such a case. The other family members could elect another mũramati and carry on as before.

In addition to farm land there was land which was free for anyone in a given district to use. This included, pasture where cattle grazed in common. Salt licks (moonyo), mineral springs (irori), in addition to public spaces called ihaaro reserved for meetings and dances. Public roads and paths (njĩra cia agendi), as well as sacred groves where national sacrifice was offered to Ngai.

When a land sale had taken place, a ceremony was conducted to mark out the boundaries. Only when the agreed sheep and goats had exchanged hands could such a ceremony take place. This was performed by the principle elders of the district. After the ceremony which included the slaughtering of a ram, trees and lilies were planted to mark the new boundary.

Agĩkũyũ - The Economy

The Economy:

The chief occupation of the Agĩkũyũ was farming and rearing of livestock. A family which included a man his wife or wives and their children formed an economic unit. Labour was divided from the homestead to the fields. In house building the work of cutting timber and putting up the framework was done by men, while women cut and carry the grass used for thatching the house. They also plastered the walls with clay or cow dung. Men built fences around the homestead or gardens and cattle pens. They were night watchmen to protect crops against wild animals. Women carry out the entire housework including cooking, cleaning and fetching fire wood and water.

In the field men cleared the bush and cut the big trees and broke the virgin soil with digging sticks or hoes. Women came behind them and prepared the ground for sowing of seeds. Planting was shared by both sexes. Men planted bananas, yams, sweet potato vines, sugar canes, tobacco, and also provided poles for propping up bananas and yams. Women planted maize, various kinds of beans, millet and sweet potato vines. Weeding was done collectively. Cutting drains or water furrows and pruning banana plants as well as making roads and bridges was the work of men. Harvesting was done primarily by women. Tending of cattle, sheep and goats, as well as slaughtering, distributing meat and preparing skin was entirely men’s duty. Dress-making, pottery and weaving baskets was exclusively a woman’s profession. Wood-carving, bee-keeping and hunting were men’s occupations. Women took responsibility for grinding corn and millet, for making gruel, and pounding grains in wooden mortars. They also pounded sugar-cane for making beer. The brewing of beer was done by women and men. Trading was done by both sexes. Women carried chiefly grains to the market, while men bring sheep, goats or cattle. Farming was mainly done through crop rotation.

Children begun their activities in production very early. When young they were left at home to mind small babies, or are taken to the fields and allowed to play in one corner of cultivated field. As soon as they could handle a digging stick, they were given small allotments to practice on. Parents helped in planting seeds and helped them distinguish crops from wild plants or weeds. As the child grew a larger field was allocated according to that child’s abilities. Work was done collectively and crops cultivated in the care of the mother who was the managing director of food supply in the homestead. A girl continued to cultivate the plot till marriage, where in case her new homestead was near she continued to cultivate it and take the food to her homestead. If she went far the fields were left to the mother. The boy took full control of his fields when he married.

The wife was in charge of the homes food supply. After the harvest she stored enough grain to feed the family till the next harvest. Excess crops were taken to the markets where it was traded through barter. A wife who managed the economic affairs very well was not only highly regarded in her home but also by the entire community.

Cattle were a sign of wealth, as few people could afford them. Cattle played an economic role especially their hide used for bedding, making sandals and straps for tying firewood and carrying other loads. Cattle were never killed for food save in famine. Bulls and oxen were slaughtered for feasts. Cattle played a part in marriage ceremony, where a cow was given as marriage insurance (rũracio). Sheep and goats were used as currency. The price of almost anything was determined in terms of sheep and goats. Sheep and goats were used for various religious sacrifices and purifications. They were the main supply of meat and skins used as articles of clothing. They were also given as marriage insurance (rũracio).

On top of internal trade the Agĩkũyũ also traded with neighbouring tribes, the Maasai and the Akamba. With the Maasai, trade involved, spears, swords, tobacco, gourds and red ochre. There were inter-tribal markets where goods were exchanged but sometimes a group of men would organize into a trading guild and take their goods into the heart of Maasai country. This kind of trade would be conducted in the homestead of a friend who acted as the guide and protector of his friends and their goods. As for the Kamba, there were no special items, as both tribes were agriculturalists, unlike the Maasai who are herders. Soft chains, snuff-boxes or carriers, bows and arrows, and herbal medicines were among the articles exchanged in trading or given as presents to friends.

Agĩkũyũ - Industry

Industry:

Ironworking:

The chief iron articles of pure Gĩkũyũ origin are spears, swords, digging-and clearing knives of different sizes, ear and finger rings, arrow heads, bracelets, axes, fine chains, hammers, tongs and tweezers among many others.

Iron was obtained from washing sand secured from certain districts and in a particular river. The sand was carefully washed in a river by experienced men; The black substances that contain ore were put together and handed over to the women and the children, who helped to spread the ore in the sun to dry. The one great demand for iron was during the time of initiation when the new warriors needed spears and swords. New ore didn’t have to be collected for every need. Recycling was practiced where old worn out iron items were collected to build new ones.

The dried sand containing iron was put by the smithy in a special fire made from a particular tree and others from a special banana plant. After a ritual, the process of smelting was commenced with. Two bellows were employed simultaneously to keep the fire burning. They were worked by assistants who learnt the profession by watching the smith doing his work. The bellows were put in motion, the charcoals were carefully laid and the sand was carefully sprinkled over the burning fire. The heat was regulated by adding the required amount of charcoals in the furnace. At the same time, the blowing of the bellows was kept in check. Sometimes the heat was intensified, other times it was slowed down. The ore was reduced to metallic iron, technically known as blooms (gekama).

The smith and his assistants worked from morning to evening. In the evening the melted iron iwas left in the furnace to cool. In the morning the blooms which had collected together into small lumps were taken out of the furnace. These were joined into a big heap by a mass of slag which had overflowed during the melting. After the big pile of slag was taken out, the blooms were knocked and collected together. Next, the blooms were heated according to the quantity required to make a spear or a sword or other iron articles. The iron thus beaten as heaps was known as mondwa. If a man wanted a spear he would not buy a ready made one, but would buy mondwa and pay the smithy to make him one.

Hut Building:

Gĩkũyũ huts are round with wooden walls and grass thatched roofs. The woman's hut is called nyũmba and was considered the traditional sacred abode of the family and the proper place to hold communion with the ancestors. All aspects of religious and magical ceremonies and sacrifices which concern the family were centred around the nyũmba. The man 's hut is called thingira where friends and casual visitors were entertained. A hut was built and occupied on the same day. This was achieved by the Gĩkũyũ collective method of working.

To make a good circle, a kind of string compass was employed. A string was put in the centre of the circle and a string tied to it., then a man held one end of the string and after measuring the required paces, he held the string tight and then went round, marking the ground until the circle lines met. This is called gokurura kiea. When this was done the builders started digging holes in the ground for the outer walls. The holes are about one foot deep and about six inches in diameter. After this the inner circle was marked , which the wall is erected and roof put on. This completed the men’s work in building. They built the frame. The women completed the work by thatching and thus the hut was completed.

pottery:

Pottery was done by women. Certain clans specialized in this work. The digging of the clay, beating and softening it, the molding and drying, burning of the pots and finally the marketing was all done by women. The industry was carried out with two purposes, to satisfy the family needs and for marketing. The latter was the most important factor in deciding whether pots were to be manufactured or not , for unless the potters were satisfied that there was a good market for their articles, they would not undertake the task. Very few potters had good pots for themselves, they sold the good ones to others.

Basket Making:

This is again done by women although a man was not restricted from handling the material while the baskets were being made unlike in pottery. A man may collect the materials and prepare them ready for his female relatives or friends to use. He may however not do the actual work. The baskets were made of strings called mũgio, mũkeo, mwondwe and mũgotha. The barks were chewed or beaten to soften and strengthen them; they were then stretched and put in the sun to dry. The next process was to wind them together into a long string about fifteen feet long. Several of this were made into balls, similar to those which European women use for knitting. When enough strings were prepared the work of knotting kĩondo (trademark now sadly owned by some Japanese individual or company. Shame on Kenya), was undertaken. The baskets are of different shapes and sizes according to fashion and taste. Basket-knitting was looked upon upon as a spare time job. It was generally done in conversations or travelling, or going to and from work.

Apart from baskets, there are two kinds of trays called gĩtaroro (large tray) and gĩtiti (small tray), which are sewn from a creeper called moogo. This is cut from several pieces which are then sewn together. Gĩtaroro is used for winnowing and spreading grain in the sun to dry. Gĩtiti is used as a dish for serving or keeping food cooked and uncooked. This two articles were made chiefly by men although there is no taboo preventing a woman from making them.

Skin Tanning:

All Gĩkũyũ men and women dressed in skins, which made this industry very important. For this purpose also, sheep, goats and cattle would be kept. In every family group (mbarĩ), there would be one or two members specializing in tanning of skins and cutting them into shape for making dresses. There is a marked difference between the skin suitable for a man's dress and one for a woman's. Not only do they differ in quality but in the method used in tanning them. A skin for a woman's dress has to be made thin and soft for it is said that a woman's body is made of soft and delicate texture.

The skin made for a woman's dress was first pegged on the ground to dry. Then, hair was peeled off by a specialist. When the process was complete, the skin was softened by rubbing it in the hands. After this the skin was ready to be measured and cut into the right size. A woman's skirt took about 2 skins and an upper garment needed three or four skins. This maybe sheeps or goats. Goat's skin had more value and longer wear. A woman's clothes consisted of three garments. An upper garment called nguo ya ngoro, a skirt called mũthuru and an apron called Mwengu.

Unlike women clothes, a man only had one garment, gĩthii made of kids skins or very small calf. Gĩthii for young men were made short covering the body from the shoulders to just below the heaps. The only other garment was the apron, gĩthere worn only for ceremonial dances. The elders wore a long gĩthii. Chiefs and rich men wore a more elaborate gĩthii made of fur, whilst the lower ranks wore gĩthii made of sheep skins.

Since most photographic records of the Gĩkũyũ start around 1910, the skins seem to have been discarded in favour of blankets and sheets pretty fast, later to be replaced by European style clothing.

Bridge Building:

Bee keeping:

Wood Carving:

Beer Brewing:

Beer played a very important role in Gĩkũyũ country. It was offered at the beginningof marriage negotiations. It was offered to the elders of the council, kiama, before they took on a case. It was offered by a man wanting to purchase another man’s piece of land as he declared his intentions. It was offered by the mũthami and mũhoi to the mũramati as a sign of goodwill.

Brewing was done by both men and women. It was brewed from sugarcane. Men would cut sugarcane and peel them. Women would carry them home and pound them in a wooden mortars while men were mixing the substance of the sugarcane with water and squeezing or wringing the juice out of it , and also straining the juice into fermenting gourds. Beer was also made out of honey

Beer was not an industry in the sense that certain specialized people did it and others only partook. It seems that every family had the knowledge on how to brew. Seeing as how beer is multi billion dollar industry in this day and age, it was important to include it.

Agĩkũyũ - Music, Song and Dance

Music, Song And Dance:

The Gĩkũyũ were and still are a musical folk. Music and dance played an important role in traditional life and during the mau mau (Kenya Land Defence Army) freedom war. The dancing seemed to have captured the imagination of early white anthropologists and missionaries. The missionaries deemed some of the dancing as being too provocative, and condemned them along with many things associated with tribal life as demonic. This is especially true with the dances held after initiation. Sadly most of these dances disappeared alongside with many things Gĩkũyũ during and after colonialism. Initiation is no longer a shared experience that bonds a given group of the same age for life but a private affair for young men in a clinic somewhere. How useful a video camera would have been in those days! Gĩkũyũ of nowadays is transported through normal mode of recorded sound and video.

Gĩkũyũ musical Instruments:

The Agĩkũyũ had very few musical instruments, most songs being done vocally. Kenyatta, in facing Mt. Kenya identifies only four kinds of musical instruments in the whole of the Gĩkũyũ country. These are

1. Drum (Kĩihembe), was restricted in use to very few ceremonial songs and dances. It is used to supply rhythms to particular swinging dances and songs called njong’wa. The only other occasion when the drums are used is in a procession of young men and young women when they are in a parade, kĩonano., which takes place at the opening of seasonal day of dances and songs called gĩichukia kĩa mũthenya or kĩbata.

2. Large rattle (Kĩgamba): These was worn chiefly by men, women only wearing during initiation ceremonies. It’s main purpose was to provide rhythm to dances. It was made of an oval metal sheet folded and resembling a banana fruit and was filled with bullets, ng’arang’ari, which produced musical sound according to the movements of the person wearing them. It was fastened below the knee, with a strap which extended above the joint. It was worn only during special occasions , such as war dances and initiation ceremonies.

3. Small rattle (Njigiri) are made of the same material as the large ones and are of similar shape, the only difference being in size. The Njigiri is between one and two and a half inches. It’s chief use was as an ornament and to provide walking rhythm. It was worn on the lower part of the ankle. Some people preferred only one of this rattles but some others wore more than a dozen threaded together on leather straps. This rattles were also used in training children in the proper use of the right hand. The rattles were tied to the childs right hand and by tinkling the rattles a childs hand was strengthened.

4. Flute (Mũtũriro) made of bark or shrub and is of temporary nature. A certain shrub called mũkeo or mũgio, is cut according to the size of the flute required. Several holes are cut for producing several notes. Some people prefer four holes, others six or eight. Materials also vary from bamboo or the shrubs named above, which means a new flute every day.

The Gĩkũyũ flute was never used to lead a dance, only for leisure, or as comfort when a man was in grief or feeling lonesome. The flute was also played when a man was guarding the millet crop from the birds. A high platform called gĩtara is built in the middle of the field, where a man scares away the birds with a sling. The art of playing the flute was not practiced by women but they are keen listeners and it was also played by the men folk for them. In fact the flute was mostly played by boys and young men.

Agĩkũyũ - Special Professions

Special Professions:

The Medicine Man, Mũndo Mũgo:

Throughout the Gĩkũyũ nation, medicine men were employed in curing diseases and also curing people inflicted by evil spirits. They also provided several magical charms covering all fields from love to protection during war. In fact before the warriors went to war a medicine man would be consulted, a practice which found some revival during the mau mau war for independence.

Medicine men had great knowledge in the use of herbal leaves for medicine, thus great knowledge in medicinal plants. The medicine man, of course had a very special place at the heart of Gĩkũyũ nation. They elicited a lot of resistance from the missionaries being called satanic. There do exist herbal medicine practitioners in the Kenya of today. It would be interesting to find out, what link, if any, they have to the medicine man of old. The medicine man in the old days was not just an expert in herbs but had to communicate with the spirits to see if a persons afflictions came from that other world, and if so what would have to be done to appease the spirits, so that the person could regain his good health. Certainly the use of magical charms is not part of the Gĩkũyũ nation that I grew up in, although being an urban child, I might not be at the position to quite know. Magical charms are nowadays associated more with our neighbours the Kamba

The Seer, Mũrathi:

In the Gĩkũyũ nation there existed great seers, the most famous one probably being a man by the name of C(h)ege son of Kĩbirũ or C(h)ege wa Kĩbirũ, later called Mũgo wa Kĩbirũ, who prophesized the coming of the white man to the Gĩkũyũ nation, saying there would come people who’d have bodies like kiengere, a small light coloured frog which lives in water and whose dress would resemble ciĩuhuruta (butterflies). They’d carry magical sticks which would produce fire. Further he prophesized the coming of the railway line that would stretch from one water body in the east to another in the west and the train which he described as an iron snake that would spit fire. Further this snake would ‘eat’ people and ‘vomit’ them out. He also predicted the coming of the famine that would signal the coming of the strangers with bodies like kiengere.

I have seen some of todays scholars cast doubt on these prophecies on account that Mũgo wa Kĩbirũ must have known some of the things from Gĩkũyũ who might have travelled to the coast for trade purposes, and certainly it would have been easy to know about guns and clothing from the Arabs and whites at the coast but the railway line (built 1896 - 1901) and the train are a different proposition. The steam engine train was a relatively new invention which started being operational in 1825. Further the Africans would have had to be on extremely friendly terms with the Arabs and whites for them to gain that information, if at all the Arabs knew about it. Secondly while Leakey says that trade contacts existed between Arabs and the Kikuyu for a while, it is possible that these contacts existed only in certain parts of the Gĩkũyũ nation and not everywhere. Boyes in his accounts testifies that he was the first white man that the Gĩkũyũ he came to rule had ever seen and that he was an object of a lot of curiosity. He even further goes on to use a trick to show his white powers, by shooting a hole through a soft barked tree. Lastly if items like guns and Arabs (I’ve found little difference between the appearance between Arabs and Europeans) were common knowledge in Gĩkũyũ land, then the prophecy wouldn’t have been met with such astonishment. Details about when Mugo wa Kibiru lived, when he died or even where exactly he lived are extremely sketchy and anyone who can feel them in will have been of great service.

Another seer was Kongo wa Magana who was the grandfather of the first president of the Kenyan nation, Jomo Kenyatta aka Kamau wa Ngengi, who is also the author of one of the most comprehensive accounts of the Gikuyu to date. Certainly one of the early ones still in print and available at your local bookshop.

Sources

1. Kenyatta, Jomo – Facing Mt. Kenya (1938)
2. Mugia, D. Kinuthia - Ũrathi wa Cege wa Kibiru (1979)
3. Boyes, John – How I Became King of Wakikuyu (1911)

Witchdoctors, Arogi :

This were some of the most hated people in Agĩkũyũ country. They used their magic and poisons for evil. They practised their craft in great secrecy as being found out as a witchdoctor meant certain death by being burnt. The fire set by ones own relative, no less. This in a society, where one could get away with murder under certain circumstances.

The Blacksmith, Mũturi:

Obviously the Gĩkũyũ society was heavily dependant on iron tools in times of war and peace. As such the smiths family held a special place in Agĩkũyũ society. The smiths curses were also much feared and people did well not to incur them. The trade was passed on from father to son. It was a skill practised only by men, even though the entire family was involved especially in the procurement of iron ore from the river beds. This, like most other things are skills that went under in the post colonial period. Although described as primitive by Routledge, who thought he was standing at the dawn of the prehistoric man, they incorporated very modern themes like recycling. Generally anything lost no matter how irrelevant to today’s world is a big loss.

Agĩkũyũ - Mass Communication

Mass Communication:

Important communications in the Gĩkũyũ nation were relayed by means of ceremonial horns (coro). Unlike other African tribes the Gĩkũyũ did not employ drums in transmitting information. If drum messages were received from neighbouring tribes, they were relayed further in Gĩkũyũ country by sounding particular horns. The horn was used to announce the beginning of the planting season, during initiation ceremonies and when sacrifices were offered, to announce the day that an execution were to take place and at the end of the execution.

John Boyes in his book, How I became King of Wakikuyu relates the following account:

“ Continuing our journey, the next morning we fell in with some Kikuyu natives, they would not stop to talk to us, but off they went, shouting their war cries ,’Hur, he-ee.” Many and many a time I was to hear this inspiring cry, which was always used in times of danger or war from village to village and hill to hill……In a short time quite five hundred warriors fully armed, were drawn up outside the village…”

Agĩkũyũ - Spatial Organisation

Spatial Organization:

The Gĩkũyũ country is spectacular by any account. It was then as it is now. This especially in the areas very close to the snow capped Mt. Kenya like Nyeri and Murang’a districts. The country consists of a series of huge valleys and ridges criss-crossed by various streams and rivers. This is however torturous, especially to the women who had to fetch water from rivers which were at the bottom of the of the ridge and then bring the water up. The advent of rain harvesting tanks made life much easier for the women.

The Agĩkũyũ due to their nature of worship had no need for ceremonial huge buildings which formed the main and spectacular architecture in pre-industrial European societies. God was worshipped under a sacred fig tree, a mũgumo or better a mũkũyũ (some even believe that it is this tree that gave the tribe it’s name) in the nature. Ngai was at home in the big mountains and his people didn’t need a special house to worship and sacrifice, Ngai having provided them with spectacular nature.

As such the only significant architecture was in the home, which was composed of a series of round huts, built in a cirle. This would house a man, his wife or wives and their kids. Further there might have been cattle pens for keeping cows, if a family was thus endowed. Apart from this there were also granaries ikũmbe where grain was stored.

There were a series of open spaces for collective or communal use. This included pasture lands where cattle from different families would graze. The other open space known as kĩhaaro was used for community gatherings such as social events like after initiation and also legal venues where cases would be presented and judged by the council of elders. Naturally connecting various homesteads were paths or roads known as njĩra cia agenda. It is not clear where markets were situated or whether the kĩhaaro doubled up as a market space.

Agĩkũyũ - The Concept Of Time

The Concept Of Time:

The Agĩkũyũ had four seasons and two harvests in one year. These were divided as follows

1. Mbura ya njahĩ (The Season of Big Rain) from March to July, Wangarĩ Maathai, the Kenyan environmentalist and Nobel Price Winner was born in this season.
2. Magetha ma njahĩ (The season of the big harvest) between July and Early October
3. Mbura ya mwere (Short rain season) from October to January
4. Magetha ma Mwere (the season of harvesting millet)

Further time is recorded through each initiation generation each of which is given special name. According to Hobley each generation, riika, extended over two years. Further the various riika are grouped together to form a bigger generational group. The last bigger riikas at the arrival of the Europeans were Mwangi and Maina or Irũngũ. The oldest Maina generation at the arrival of the Europeans consisted of the following generational groups, Kinuthia, Karanja, Njuguna, Kinyanjui, Gathuru and Ng’ang’a. A finalisation seems to have taken place such that most people at the time were either of these riikas, alternating between father and son, much as the names given to sons and daughters alternate, such that the first son or daughter bears either the grandfathers or grandmothers name. As such if man is from the Mwangi riika, then the son will be a Maina and his grandson a Mwangi.

There was a very important ceremony known as Ituĩka in which the old guard would hand over the reins of government to the next generation. This was to avoid dictatorship. Kenyatta relates of how once in the land of the Agĩkũyũ, there ruled a despotic King called Gĩkũyũ, grandson of the elder daughter (Wanjirũ according to Leakey) of the original Gĩkũyũ of Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi fame. After he was deposed of, it was decided that the government should be democratic, which is how the Ituĩka came to be. This legend of course calls into question when it was exactly that the matrilineal rule set in. The last Ituĩka ceremony where the riika of Maina handed over power to the Mwangi generation. Took place in 1898-9. (Hobley). The next one was supposed to be held in 1925 - 1928 (Kenyatta) but was thwarted by the colonial imperialist government, and one by one Gĩkũyũ institutions crumbled.

Agĩkũyũ - The Law

The Law:

Every household head, the man of the house acted as the first instance in disputes arising around his homestead. If there was a big dispute, then he called on heads of the family within his family unit, mbarĩ. If this failed then it was time to move to the highest court of the land.

The highest court of the land consisted of the elders of three stages, junior elders called kiama kĩa kamatimo, who were mainly there as trainees of law and had such functions as to fetch firewood and water and light fires. They could not yet judge a case. The next council of elders kiama kĩa mataathi were the main judges. Other than that there was a council of elders called kiama kĩa maturanguru who were the eldest and most experienced and were called upon to assist in intricate parts of the law. A man entered this council when practically all his children were circumcised and his wife or wives were past child bearing age.

Cases brought before the council of elders were heard in the meeting space also known as kĩhaaro. The elders heard from both parties. In making a case the concerned parties would use twigs given to the elders after each concrete complaint was made. After the arguments were made, an open session followed in which elders expressed their opinions for or against either party. At the end of this a special committee, ndundu, was formed that would deliver judgement. This retired to a place where no one could here their deliberations and only came out when a decision was reached. An appeal was possible if one of the parties didn’t agree with the ruling.

Oaths played a significant part in the judicial process. Fear of breaking the oath and the misfortunes that would befall one prevented people from giving false testimonies, as well as brought defenders to justice by means of a guilty conscience and confession. Curses acted as good deterrents against crime. Most cases heard by the kiama involved debts resulting from transactions of sheep, goats or cattle, exchanged in buying land or paying marriage insurances (rũracio). There were also a few criminal cases involving murder, trespass, assault, theft and witchcraft. The last two were the worst crimes. Theft for first time offenders was not serious but perpetual offenders would face death just like proven witchdoctors.

Fees to the council was a ram. Beer would also have to be brewed and offered when a case was being opened. Interestingly for murder cases the compensation for a mans life and a womans life varied greatly. The loss of a mans life was fixed at one hundred sheep or goats or ten cows. That of a womans life was fixed at thirty sheep or goats or three cows.

Agĩkũyũ - Literature and Links

Literature:

1. Routledge, W.S. & K – With a Prehistoric People: The Akikuyu of British East Africa (1910)
2. Boyes, John – How I Became King of Wakikuyu (1911)
3. Hobley, C.W. – Bantu Beliefs And Magic with Particular Reference to the Kikuyu and Kamba Tribes of Kenya Colony (1922)
4. Leakey L.S.B. – The Southern Gikuyu Before 1903 Vol I – III (1977, unpublished 1938)
5. Kenyatta, Jomo – Facing Mt. Kenya (1938)
6. Kabetũ, M. N. - Kĩrĩra Kĩa Ũgikũyũ (1947)
7. wa Wanjau, Gakaara - Mĩhĩrĩga ya Aagĩkũyũ (1967)
8. Mugia, D. Kinuthia - Ũrathi wa Cege wa Kibiru (1979)
9. Mugo, E.N. – Kikuyu People (1982)

Wikipedia
Wangari Maathai

The Gĩkũyũ Nation

Andũ a Nyũmba, we have just gone through the worst period in our history in post independence Kenya. This period is politely referred to as the post election period. And all for what just because Mwai wa Kibaki won an election, which some say was rigged? I leave it to each individual to decide for himself whether Kibaki stole the votes or not. Personally, I think that even though the election had its irregularities, Kibaki won fairly. I have seen the case presented by ODM and printed by the local dailies and find it to be extremely flimsy at best. I firmly believe that we are dealing with masters of deception who have an extremely fanatical following.

Be as it may, the rigging of an election does not give anyone the right to rape, loot, burn, kill, maim and commandeer property. Even worse, our people have been going through this for the last 4 multi-party election cycles. It has now become an increasingly sadistic national sport to kill, rape, chase a Kyuk. This sport has been carried out on a regular basis on a cycle of 5 years. Even more dangerous is that it is becoming increasingly popular for high ranking politicians politicians to bash us in public using fairly provocative language, Najib Balala wants us confined in a Lesotho like Island. Such words are uttered in a press conference in broad daylight, without anyone even finding fault in them. On top of that we are now blamed for the 'perceived backwardness' of other Kenyans, much like the jews in Nazi Germany. Anyone looking for proof that such talk can lead to humongous catastrophes, need look no further than the catastrophe that was the 2nd world war.

In the international press, every report starts with our political and economic dominance. For starters, even if we've had 2 presidents, they'll barely surpass the time spent by Mzee Moi at the helm for 24 years. Kenyatta spent 15 years at the helm and kibaki will have spent 10 at the end of his reign. Yet it is the Kalenjins busily killing and committing all sorts of atrocities against our brothers and sisters. There has been no Kenyan government that was not all inclusive, meaning that despite a Kikuyu or a Kalenjin being at the helm, most of the other tribe and with no doubt all the big ones were included in those governments. There is no denying that there has been corruption in successive governments which benefited a small clique of individuals, across the ethnic divide, but for the most part our people have attained what they have through their own blood and sweat, and through their entrepreneurial spirit. We have spread our tentacles far and wide within the Kenyan nation and without, and suddenly we find those who went far from our core domain within the nation of Kenya, increasingly facing resentment and danger. Populist leaders find it easy to win votes by preaching hate against Nyumba ya Mumbi.

The Irony of the matter is that no Kenyan government to date did more to promote all the things cherished by the opposition, than Kibakis. The CDF scheme complemented similar schemes of monies distributed to local authorities (LATF), but excelled in its relative transparency and produced more results on the ground than anything else undertaken so far. It is by no means perfect but compared to the money being poured into the local auth0orities with little results on the ground,the CDF scheme is a God send. The Youth and women fund provided easy access to funds for those wanting to start businesses and the rural electrification programme was enhanced to improve the lives of those living in rural areas. That is just a small fraction of the things done under Kibaki. The country also experienced a period of sustainable growth and poverty levels fell across the board and a lot of jobs were created, even though by no means enough. Michael Chege puts it better in this article, which also analyzes the ridiculous ODM propaganda.

It would be fool hardy for Nyumba ya Mumbi to assume, despite the signing of the national peace accord, that what our people experienced during the post election period won't happen again. The question, brothers and sisters, is what are we going to do? Successive governments including the current one led by one of our own have been unable to protect our people. Our women have been raped with impunity, our brothers and sisters murdered, our people reduced to sleeping in tents in their own land. To this end I have formulated a few proposals in which we have to operate in the new defined reality that is Kenya.

My first proposal is to set up council of elders or a body that will look out for our interests in Kenya. I personally love Kenya and think that all the communities living in it are far stronger united in it than divided. Nevertheless,we have to operate within the reality that Kenya houses 42 different nations. This body would be in a position to sue those like Balala who talk irresponsibly in public among other things.

Next in light of the total collapse of our police force along ethnic lines, we have to ask the government to let our own protect our own especially in the volatile North Rift region. They should be allowed to carry firearms. The government has failed time and to me again to provide adequate security for our people, hence they should only oblige us in this. We should certainly make sure we have enough of our brothers and sisters protecting us, so that our people are never forced to flee their legally acquired property again.

With those two measures in place I believe we will be better prepared the treacherous territory of post 2007 election Kenya. The Agikuyu must be able to operate within the context of the right established in our constitution, of every individual being able to live, own property and marry in any part of the country. Only thus will we thrive and our nation of Kenya thrive. We can certainly not be confined within the boundaries of central province.

Thayu.